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March 27, 2002—"The Resister," a US military whistleblower
publication, has claimed that DynCorp was contracted by the CIA to
"observe" activities against the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA)
on the part of the Serbs.
For the record, the KLA was a drug-financed army of gangsters,
murderous thugs and terrorists, trained by the CIA, and used to undermine
attempts at peace between Kosovars, Albanians and Serbs.
DynCorp's contracted employees are typically ex-military, probably
"sheep dipped" (moved into a new cover) into DynCorp, standard
operating procedure for black ops and other covert activities by US
military and intelligence organizations.
Most recently, DynCorp's use of military veterans and retired spooks
to do the dirty work for the phony "War on Drugs" in Colombia,
known as "Plan Colombia," is no exception.
In June 2001, DynCorp's unsavory presence in Colombia was exposed when
an American missionary plane was shot down in Peru, leaving a mother and
her baby daughter dead.
DynCorp Technical Services had been paid hundreds of millions of
dollars by the CIA, Customs Service, Defense Department and State Department
for "missions" like these, everywhere from Bosnia, Rwanda,
Haiti, Colombia and Peru.
According to an AP story ("Peru incident shines spotlight on
shadowy practice," by Lisa Hoffman, April 24, 2001), "DynCorp
has supplied dozens of mechanics, trainers, maintenance and
administrative workers, logistics experts, rescuers and pilots" for
a price tag of $600 million.
The UK Guardian describes DynCorp's role in the five-year $200
million contract as providing "crop dusting pilots for eradication
of coca plantations [could they be CIA competitors?] and helicopter
pilots to ferry Colombian troops and DynCorp's own security
personnel."
Another DynCorp Aerospace Technology subcontractor in the so-called
"War on Drugs" (Plan Colombia) called EAST (Eagle Aviation
Service and Technology, Inc). has an equally notorious past.
EAST "helped Oliver North run guns to Nicaraguan rebels in what
would be known as the Iran-Contra affair," wrote AP reporter Ken
Guggenheim on June 5, 2001.
Founded in the 1980s by Richard Gadd, EAST helped North secretly
supply weapons and ammunition to the Nicaraguans.
General Richard Secord hired Gadd in 1985 to oversee weapons
deliveries, and it's a good bet that drugs would have been flown north on
the return trip in Oliver North's infamous "Guns-For-Drugs"
operation.
Bid Rigging De Rigueur
Here's another example of insider government contract shenanigans.
According to a General Accounting Office report of Feb. 28, 2001,
"the Department of State awarded two contracts to DynCorp Aerospace
technology for aviation services to support the Bureau's counter
narcotics aviation program." One five-year contract for $99 million
was awarded by State in 1991. Then in 1996, State awarded DynCorp another
sole-source contract for another $170 million without competitive
bidding.
Rigged deals can't get much sweeter, can they?
At the time, DynCorp's Jim McCoy got new contracts from the State,
Treasury, and Commerce Departments, as well as the CIA and NASA. It
became common knowledge that DynCorp acted as a front-company on behalf
of the CIA, hiring mercenaries and "assets" in order to
distance itself from the manipulation of US foreign policy from behind
the scenes.
According to an article in The Nation ("DynCorp's Drug
Problem," by Jason Vest), DynCorp employees have also been
implicated in narcotics trafficking. It must be remembered that US
involvement in Colombia is ultimately a gambit to control the lucrative
drug trade, as well as the oil fields, explored by Bush Family connected
Harken Energy.
DynCorp Charged with Terrorism
Most recently DynCorp has been charged with terrorism.
According to Narco News
publisher Al Giordano, a class-action lawsuit has been filed in
Washington, DC, on behalf of 10,000 farmers in Ecuador and the
AFL-CIO-related International Labor Rights Fund. Why? DynCorp has US
Government contracts to spray toxic herbicides over 14 percent of
Colombia, supposedly to eliminate coca in the phony "War on
Drugs."
Giordano writes, "Although DynCorp's taxpayer-sponsored
bio-warfare has not made a dent in the cocaine trade, it has caused more
than 1,100 documented cases of illness among citizens, destroyed untold
acres of food crops, displaced tens of thousands of peasant farmers, and
harmed the fragile Amazon ecosystem, all in the name of the 'war on
drugs.'"
"DynCorp may be about to get its comeuppance in federal
court," continues Giordano, "where Justice Richard W. Roberts
is presiding over a lawsuit brought by labor, environmental and
indigenous groups against the aerial herbicide program. The text of the
legal complaint is available online for all to read: http://www.usfumigation.org/compliant.htm.
In addition, NarcoNews.com writes that DynCorp's top corporate
director, Paul Lombardi, attempted to intimidate the International Labor
Rights Fund, one of the plaintiffs in the lawsuit.
According to documents obtained by NarcoNews.com , on October 25,
2001, "Lombardi wrote to each of the board members of the AFL-CIO
allied Rights Fund in an unsuccessful attempt to scare them off the
lawsuit. In that letter, Lombardi accused the group, without offering
evidence, of fronting for illicit 'drug cartels.' Lombardi also
attempted, bombastically, to portray the Rights Fund as an enemy in the
war on terrorism. He wrote: 'Considering the major international issues
with which we are all dealing as a consequence of the events of September
11th, none of us need to be sidetracked with frivolous litigation the aim
of which is to fulfill a political agenda.' And DynCorp's Lombardi
attempted to cause the Rights Fund to drop the lawsuit, saying, 'Clearly
it is not in our mutual best interests to continue politically charged
litigation.' Bishop Jesse DeWitt, president of the International Human
Rights Fund, responded in a November 5, 2001 letter to DynCorp's
Lombardi, suggesting that it is DynCorp that engages in terrorist
actions."
In this letter, Bishop DeWitt called DynCorp's actions in South
America "terrorism." He wrote "we found your reference to
September 11 particularly apt, but for a very different reason. Based on
what appear to be uncontested facts, a group of at least 10,000 Ecuadoran
subsistence farmers have been poisoned from aerial assault by your company."
"Imagine that scene for a moment. You are an Ecuadoran
farmer, and suddenly, without notice or warning, a large helicopter
approaches, and the frightening noise of the chopper blades invades the
quiet," he continues. "The helicopter comes closer and sprays a
toxic poison on you, your children, your livestock and your food crops.
You see your children get sick, your crops die. Mr. Lombardi, we at the
International Labor Rights Fund, and most civilized people, consider such
an attack on innocent people terrorism. Your effort to hide behind
September 11 is shameful and breathtakingly cynical."
"Bishop DeWitt put Lombardi on notice that he and other
DynCorp officials may be added as defendants in the lawsuit, now having
been officially informed of the harm done by their fumigation program:
'If there is any further spraying done that causes similar harm, we will
amend the legal complaint and name you and other DynCorp decision-makers
as defendants in your personal capacities, and will charge you with
knowingly conducting aerial attacks on innocent people. Again, based on
well-established principles of international law, that would be
terrorism.'"
Lombardi has shown that Homegrown White-Collar Terrorism is alive and
well at DynCorp.
Translating the "Drug War" into Dollars: How Much Pop Per
Dead Colombian?
So how much does DynCorp really make on the notorious "War on
Drugs" scam?
According to Catherine Austin Fitts, former Housing Secretary and FHA
Commissioner in the Bush I administration and former CEO of Hamilton
Securities, an investment banking/ software company, the creation of
stock value, also referred to as capital gains, is called "Pop"
in Wall Street jargon.
She explains the money dynamics of DynCorp's business model with
regard to its "War on Drugs" activities, "If DynCorp has a
$60 million per year contract supporting knowledge management for asset
seizures in the United States," she says, "the current proxy
shows that they value their stock, which they buy and sell internally, at
approximately 30 times earnings.
"So, if a contract has a 5-10 percent profit, then per $100
million of contracts, DynCorp makes about $5-$10 million, which
translates into $150 million to $300 million of stock value.
"That means that for a $200 million contract, with average
earnings of 5-10 percent ($10 million to $20 million), DynCorp is
generating $300 million to $600 million of stock value. Pug Winokur of
Capricorn Holdings appears to have about 5 percent ownership, which means
that his stock value increase $15-$30 million from the war in Colombia.
"If the DynCorp team kills 100 people, as an example, then
that means they make $1.5 - $3 million per death. That way the Pop per
dead Colombian can be estimated, or, how much capital gains can be made
from killing one Colombian. Since DynCorp was also in the Gulf and in
Kosovo, we should be able to calculate the relative value of killing
people in various cultures and nationalities. Under these assumptions,
Pug Winokur then makes $75,000 to $250,000 of Pop per dead Colombian.
"Since the stock of prison companies trades on a per bed
basis, my guess is that defense stocks are going to evolve towards a per
person expenditure and other similar performance rules-of-thumb for
profit-making opportunities.
"One of my expectations is that the numbers for the
Colombian war will yield a very high per death cost," Fitts
continues. "That means lots of shareholders' profits, but probably
very few American jobs created per dead Colombian. That's because the big
money is not made on labor intensive contracts, but on switching
ownership of land, natural resources and other resources, including
control of the drug markets and their reinvestment in our stock market
and university endowments like Harvard, as opposed to local Colombian
investments. This insider trading cabal is where the real money goes.
"That's why DynCorp's role as a knowledge manager (managing
federal agency databases) is so important," she concludes.
"It's worth far more money than the straight-up government contract.
The profit will not show up for insider trading on DynCorp's portfolio,
but in other capital gains that flow to the players of the Chase and
Council on Foreign Relations syndicates and their private and
institutional portfolios."
Outsourcing State Terrorism
This analysis of Catherine Austin Fitts, currently CEO of Solari, Inc., is probably the best
model available for calculating the cost-benefit numbers in this
egregious corporate-government scam.
The implications are ominous. By subcontracting (outsourcing) State
Terrorism to so-called "private" entities like DynCorp, the US
Government abdicates any moral/ ethical high ground in future
confrontations. The proverbial "Iron Fist in the Velvet Glove"
of the US Military in a Global Imperial Rampage is all that's left.
It was Executive Order 12333 that precipitated the shift during the
Reagan-Bush Regime—a policy change in which so-called "national
security" and "intelligence" functions were
"privatized."
Likewise the DOJ-CIA Memorandum of Understanding allowed the
outsourcing of illicit drug trafficking and weapons sales to private
firms and individuals. (Regarding CIA Inspector General Fred Hitz's
cover-up of CIA drug trafficking, see "The
Curious Case of the Spooky Professor.)
According to Washington Technology Magazine, this is the future.
"The global market for outsourcing of government services is growing
faster than outsourcing in any commercial segment, and is likely to more
than double over the next five years, according to a new study by
Accenture Ltd.," writes Patience Wait in her article
"Government outsourcing grows fastest of all sectors" (March 4,
2002).
In this outsourcing market, DynCorp has an estimated 5 percent market
share, while Lockheed Martin leads the proverbial pack with 30 percent.
However there's a bigger question. When a handful of federal
contracting firms with lucrative insider deals control federal accounting
and computer systems, does US Government sovereignty even exist anymore?
In other words, if the US Government and its agencies do not control
their proprietary accounting, payment, and information systems, it
becomes questionable whether we even have a sovereign government at all.
The outsourcing of these systems, then, in essence has become a silent
coup d'etat by Corporate-Government Insiders.
According to Washington Technology Magazine (March 4, 2002), top
outsourcing vendors to the US Government in fiscal 2000 are Lockheed Martin
Corp (30 percent market share), CSC (13 percent), EDS (7 percent),
DynCorp (5 percent), TRW (5 percent), Raytheon (4 percent), SAIC 4
percent), Northrop Grumman (3 percent) and Unisys (2 percent).
This is America's Corporate/ Public Enemy #1—the parasitic
constituents of the so-called Military-Industrial-Pharmaceutical Complex.
Now that the parasites have literally overwhelmed the host (the US
Government), the question remains—how long will companies like DynCorp
continue to give America the finger? More importantly, however, how long
will America put up with the Enemy Within?
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